Henry Kissinger's famous and accurate saying that
"Israel has no foreign policy, only domestic policy" is as true today
about Iran: Most of the regime's activities, at both the diplomatic and the
international strategic levels, are aimed more at internal political goals than
external diplomatic ones.
The clearest, if not the most ridiculous example of this is
the fleet of Iranian warships in the Atlantic Ocean, far across from America's
eastern shores. It is unclear how many vessels are involved, and it is also
unclear what their final destination will be. It is possible that they are en
route to Venezuela, Iran's closest ally in Central America.
But in truth, the details make little difference. What
matters is that this voyage is intended to silence criticism against the regime
and the Geneva nuclear accord by the hardline conservative camp in Iran, the
Revolutionary Guard and the supporters of former Iranian president Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad.
It turns out that Israel is not the only country to voice
massive criticism of the interim nuclear agreement reached between the Islamic
Republic and the world powers last November. Critics in Iran are no less
vehement than those in Israel – claiming that deal is an Iranian capitulation
to Western demands.
The conservative Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi from Qom,
Ahmadinejad's spiritual patron, claims that Iranian President Hassan Rouhani
and Foreign Minister Javed Zarif sold Iran's honor and nuclear program for a
fist full of dollars – namely, sanction relief.
Such vocal criticism from such influential detractors
demands a response from Iran's leadership, firstly Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, that
the Islamic Republic has not bowed. Khamenei has already said that the deal is
a surrender to Western demands.
And on Saturday in a speech marking the 35th anniversary of
the 1979 Islamic revolution, the ayatollah belittled the sanctions, telling a
group of senior Iranian air force officials that relief from them is not the
key to saving Iran's economy, but rather relying "on (Iran's) infinite
indigenous potentials."
According to Khamenei – and this seems to be his true
opinion on the subject – the US wants to the regime in Teheran to fall. His
words seem to echo a belief that if the US only could, it would replace the
Iranian regime.
Such statements reveal Khamenei's true concern – he is
afraid the sanctions and the dire economic state that Iran is in threaten the
regime, and thus he immediately adds that a new and more open diplomatic
position towards the world must be embraced, and be given time, patience and a
chance to make a difference. Of course, without missing a beat, he quickly adds
this must be done without compromising on Iran's principles.
Iran's principles
So what are these principles? Firstly, Iran desires to
obtain military nuclear capabilities; secondly, it seeks regional hegemony, as
befits a regional power; and thirdly, it wants to return Shia Islam to the
prominence it thinks it deserves.
Khamenei did not lay these principles out clearly in his
speech Saturday, but every little boy and girl in Iran knows them to be true.
It is possible to add a fourth principle to that list, according to which the
current reforms being implemented by Rouhani are as far-reaching as they will
ever be in today's Iran – and there will certainly be no reforms that threaten
religious control.
A new distribution of labor has crystalized in the Iranian
leadership: Khamenei oversees the gradual process of opening up to the West,
while on the one hand making sure to dispel any dangerous fantasies being
concocted by everyday Iranians, and on the other hand working to silence
conservatives sounding too aggressive in their criticism.
Rouhani for his part
is doing his best to improve the Iranian economy and slowly fix the damage
caused by sanctions and bad management by the Ahmadinejad administration. Zarif
and his deputy Abbas Araqchi are in charge of leading the West-bound smile
offensive, and carefully managing negotiations that will preserve Iran as a
nuclear threshold state all the while allowing sanctions relief.
The Iranian street, Israeli intelligence sources believe, is
being swept up in the winds of hope and social change, inspired by this
newfound willingness to open up to the West and by the belief that the worst is
behind them.
But maybe it is just the winds of change, accented by the
tidal wave of Western businesses descending on Iran, that are motivating
Khamenei to hold down the fort, lest it gets swept away like it did with other
regional leaders.
The battle between Western-oriented reformists willing to
delay the nuclear program by a couple of years, and conservatives fearing that
liberalization will gnaw away at their power base has yet to be decided.
In Washington and in Jerusalem, the expectation is that in
coming months, while the West and Tehran are negotiating a permanent nuclear
agreement, the winning side will emerge. Will it be the conservatives, who
would prevent significant Iranian concessions or the more conciliatory
Rouhani-Zarif camp?
We might get a possible hint in a few days, when members of
United Nations nuclear watchdog will finally hold direct talks with Iran, in a
bid to understand what the Islamic Republic is really doing to reduce its nuclear
program.
This will be the true test of Iran's new direction.
By - Ron Ben-Yishai
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